WASHINGTON (AP) 鈥� Secretary of State Marco Rubio is a football fan 鈥� he played in college, supports the Miami Dolphins, and his son is a running back for the University of Florida Gators. Now, he is quarterbacking President Donald Trump鈥檚 foreign policy team as it navigates particularly and elsewhere in Latin America, longtime core interests of the child of Cuban immigrants and former Florida senator.
As the Trump administration has with its stunning military operation that and its by force, Rubio has emerged as a voice of relative calm.
In public comments and private briefings to lawmakers, he has from the president and other top officials even as he offers a full-throated defense of Trump鈥檚 more audacious plans. Still, he had a key role in one of the most assertive actions 鈥� 鈥� after long pursuing leadership changes in Venezuela and Cuba, countries close to him personally and politically.
鈥淲e always prefer to settle it in different ways,鈥� Rubio said when asked by reporters this week about . 鈥淭hat included in Venezuela. We tried repeatedly to reach an outcome here that did not involve having to go in and grab an indicted drug trafficker.鈥�
Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman James Risch, one of his closest friends in the Senate, said Rubio’s influence .
鈥淚 think all of us have been feeling that we can do a lot better in Latin America than we鈥檝e been doing,鈥� Risch told The Associated Press. 鈥淭his is not an excuse, but a fact, and that is, the squeaky wheel gets the grease.鈥�
Rubio is called the 鈥榪uarterback鈥� of Trump advisers
Aides to Rubio compare his dual roles as secretary of state and national security adviser to those of an empowered senior traffic cop, directing a small but influential field of Trump advisers, translating the president鈥檚 often broad and vague pronouncements into digestible, even if still controversial, nuggets that can be acted upon and explained.
One top aide, who spoke on condition of anonymity to offer a personal assessment of Rubio鈥檚 role, described him as the 鈥渜uarterback” of teams, which for Venezuela includes Trump鈥檚 deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, Energy Secretary Chris Wright and Vice President JD Vance. For fragile and , that is Vance, special envoy Steve Witkoff and Trump鈥檚 son-in-law .
White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt praised Rubio for advancing Trump鈥檚 foreign policy goals in his dual roles and added: 鈥淗e is a team player and everyone loves working with him in the West Wing.鈥�
People around him often remark that Rubio was made for this moment, which Risch said often prompts the secretary, also the interim leader of the , to joke that he is a really good archivist. Rubio himself jokingly dismissed 鈥渙nline rumors鈥� that he might want to become head coach or general manager of the Dolphins, posting on social media on Thursday that his 鈥渇ocus must remain on global events and also the precious archives of the United States of America.鈥�
Following the raid to , Trump proclaimed that the U.S. would 鈥渞un鈥� Venezuela but offered no clarity on what that would actually mean, leaving many to an Iraq or Afghanistan-type of occupation. Rubio stepped in to allay those concerns, saying the U.S. would not govern day-to-day but use its and the threat of potential additional military action to influence Venezuelan leaders.
He also sought to temper blustery rhetoric and the White House refusal to rule out a military operation to take over Greenland, saying Trump’s plan is not to invade but rather purchase it.
“That鈥檚 always been the president鈥檚 intent from the very beginning,鈥� Rubio said Wednesday.
Rubio takes key role explaining actions to Congress
Likewise, it has been Rubio鈥檚 moment during . While the Pentagon leadership has presented details about the raid, Rubio has fielded the questions and criticisms from lawmakers.
鈥淭here鈥檚 a reason the president relies on him for so many different things,鈥� said Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart, a fellow Florida Republican who has known Rubio for years. 鈥淩ubio鈥檚 a person who just solves problems.鈥�
Rubio publicly outlined the three phases of the administration鈥檚 plan this week 鈥� sell seized Venezuelan oil for revenue to rebuild the country, restore other aspects of civil society and transition to a new government. , has taken over as interim president with America’s blessing.
But Rubio鈥檚 strategy for the region is on the clock, and some in Congress aren鈥檛 satisfied. Lawmakers from both parties are demanding more details about the path ahead in Venezuela, and Democrats in particular want public oversight hearings and more robust debate.
鈥淥n the narrow question of Venezuela, Secretary Rubio knows better about what briefings and consultations and engagement with the senators needs to happen to get and sustain bipartisan support for military action, and I’m disappointed that that hasn鈥檛 happened,鈥� said Sen. Chris Coons, D-Del., who worked with Rubio for years on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
For a politician who as a young senator was often seen as a man too much in a hurry, Rubio now has a short window to deliver.
鈥淚t鈥檚 not years, it鈥檚 months,鈥� said Rep. Carlos Gimenez, another Florida Republican. 鈥淪ix, nine months.鈥�
Rubio’s focus on Venezuela
In the early days of Trump鈥檚 second term, ousting Maduro was not a priority as the president and his national security team largely focused on Gaza, the Russia-Ukraine war, and other day-to-day crises, according to a person familiar with internal White House discussions who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss private deliberations.
Rubio, the person observed, was a key player in helping Trump fashion his policy in all those matters but seemed to be 鈥渉usbanding his political capital鈥� for Venezuela.
While Rubio could be more dispassionate in internal debates about other foreign policy issues the Trump administration was dealing with, he was notably more rigid about Venezuela and underscored that he saw Maduro 鈥渁s an offshoot of the Castro movement,鈥� the person said.
As a senator, Rubio depicted Venezuela as a vestige of the communist ideology in the Western Hemisphere and pushed for Maduro’s ouster, advocated for economic sanctions, and even argued for American military intervention when many dismissed those views.
鈥淚 think that U.S. armed forces should only be used in cases of national security threats,鈥� he said in a 2018 interview with Univision. 鈥淚 think there is a strong argument that can be made right now that Venezuela and Maduro鈥檚 regime have become a threat to the region and to the U.S.鈥�
Impact of Rubio’s family history
Rubio has often tied his attention on the region to his own family history. His Cuban-born parents arrived in South Florida in 1956, a few years before Fidel Castro鈥檚 1959 communist revolution, and he spent much of his life in Miami, where many Cubans sought refuge after Castro鈥檚 rise to power.
Criticism of Castro and other leftist leaders in the region won him support from many in the Venezuelan diaspora who made Florida their home to escape crime, economic deprivation and unrest under Maduro and his predecessor, the late Hugo Ch谩vez, who began his self-described socialist revolution in 1999.
After Trump defeated Rubio during the 2016 GOP primary, Rubio began to exert influence over U.S. policy toward Latin America as a shadow adviser. This rivalry-turned-partnership surprised many given that Rubio鈥檚 views initially appeared at odds with Trump鈥檚 鈥淎merica First鈥� approach and campaign promise for no more foreign wars.
But there appears to be little daylight now: Trump can be heard parroting the exact rhetoric Rubio used nearly a decade ago on Venezuela.
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Associated Press writer Farnoush Amiri in New York contributed to this report.
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