MIAMI (AP) 鈥� When makes his first appearance in a New York courtroom Monday to face U.S. drug charges, he will likely follow the path taken by another Latin American strongman toppled by U.S. forces: Panama’s .
Maduro was captured Saturday, 36 years to the day after Noriega was removed by American forces. And as was the case with the Panamanian leader, lawyers for Maduro are expected to contest the legality of his arrest, arguing that he is immune from prosecution as a sovereign head of foreign state, which is a bedrock principle of international and U.S. law.
It鈥檚 an argument that is unlikely to succeed and was largely settled as a matter of law in Noriega鈥檚 trial, legal experts said. Although Trump’s raises constitutional concerns because it wasn鈥檛 authorized by Congress, now that Maduro is in the U.S., courts will likely bless his prosecution because, like Noriega, the U.S. doesn鈥檛 recognize him as Venezuela鈥檚 legitimate leader.
鈥淭here鈥檚 no claim to sovereign immunity if we don鈥檛 recognize him as head of state,鈥� said Dick Gregorie, a retired federal prosecutor who indicted Noriega and later went on to investigate corruption inside Maduro鈥檚 government. 鈥淪everal U.S. administrations, both Republican and Democrat, have called his election fraudulent and withheld U.S. recognition. Sadly, for Maduro, it means he鈥檚 stuck with it.鈥�
Noriega died in 2017 after nearly three decades in prison, first in the U.S., then France and finally Panama. In his first trial, his lawyers argued that his arrest as a result of a U.S. invasion was so 鈥渟hocking to the conscience” that it rendered the government鈥檚 case an illegal violation of his due process rights.
Justice Department opinion allows 鈥榝orcible abductions鈥� abroad
In ordering Noriega’s removal, the White House relied on a 1989 legal opinion by then-Assistant Attorney General Bill Barr, issued six months before the invasion. That opinion said the U.N. Charter’s prohibition on the use of force in international relations does not bar the U.S. from carrying out 鈥渇orcible abductions鈥� abroad to enforce domestic laws.
Supreme Court decisions dating to the 1800s also have upheld America’s jurisdiction to prosecute foreigners regardless of whether their presence in the United States was lawfully secured.
Barr’s opinion is likely to feature in Maduro’s prosecution as well, experts said.
Drawing parallels to the Noriega case, Barr on Sunday pushed aside criticisms that the U.S. was pursuing a change of government in Venezuela instead of enforcing domestic laws. As attorney general during the first Trump administration, Barr oversaw Maduro鈥檚 indictment.
鈥淕oing after them and dismantling them inherently involves regime change,鈥� Barr said in a 鈥淔ox 海角社区app Sunday鈥� interview. 鈥淭he object here is not just to get Maduro. We indicted a whole slew of his lieutenants. It鈥檚 to clean that place out of this criminal organization.鈥�
Key differences between Noriega and Maduro in court
There are differences between the two cases.
Noriega never held the title of president during his six-year de facto rule, leaving a string of puppets to fill that role. By contrast, Maduro claims to have won a popular mandate three times. Although the , a number of governments 鈥� China, Russia and Egypt among them 鈥� recognized his victory.
鈥淏efore you ever get to guilt or innocence, there are serious questions about whether a U.S. court can proceed at all,” said David Oscar Markus, a defense lawyer in Miami who has handled several high-profile criminal cases, including some involving Venezuela. “Maduro has a much stronger sovereign immunity defense than did Noriega, who was not actually the sitting president of Panama at the time.鈥�
For U.S. courts, however, the only opinion that matters is that of the State Department, which considers Maduro a fugitive and has for months been offering a $50 million reward for his arrest.
The first Trump administration closed the , the capital of Venezuela, and broke diplomatic relations with Maduro’s government in 2019 after he cruised to reelection by outlawing most rival candidates. The administration then recognized the opposition head of the National Assembly as the country鈥檚 legitimate leader.
The Biden administration mostly stuck to that policy, allowing an opposition-appointed board to run Citgo, a subsidiary of Venezuela’s state-owned oil company, even as the U.S. engaged in direct talks with Maduro’s government that were aimed at paving the way for free elections.
鈥淐ourts are so deferential to the executive in matters of foreign policy that I find it difficult for the judiciary to engage in this sort of hairsplitting,鈥� said Clark Neily, a senior vice president for criminal justice at the Cato Institute in Washington.
US sanctions are a hurdle for Maduro’s defense
Another challenge that Maduro faces is hiring a lawyer. He and his wife, Cilia Flores, who also was captured, have been under U.S. sanctions for years, making it illegal for any American to take money from them without first securing a license from the Treasury Department.
The government in Caracas now led by Maduro鈥檚 vice president, Delcy Rodr铆guez, may want to foot the bill, but it is similarly restricted from doing business in the United States.
The U.S. has indicted other foreign leaders on corruption and drug trafficking charges allegedly committed while in office. Among the most noteworthy is Juan Orlando Hern谩ndez, former president of Honduras, who was and weapons charges and sentenced to 45 years in prison.
Trump in November announced plans to , a move that drew criticism from even some Republicans who viewed it as undercutting the White House’s aggressive counternarcotics strategy centered against Maduro.
The U.S. had requested Hern谩ndez’s extradition from Honduras a few weeks after he left office. After the arrest of Noriega, who had been a CIA asset before becoming a drug-running dictator, the Justice Department implemented a new policy requiring the attorney general to personally sign off on charging of any sitting foreign president, due to its implications for U.S. foreign policy.
Maduro may have a slightly stronger argument that he is entitled to a more limited form of immunity for official acts he undertook as at least a de facto leader since that question would not turn on whether he is a recognized head of state by the U.S.
But even that defense faces significant challenges, said Curtis Bradley, a University of Chicago Law School professor who previously served as a counselor of international law at the State Department.
The accuses Maduro of facilitating the shipment of into the U.S. by providing law enforcement cover, logistical support and partnering with 鈥渟ome of the most violent and prolific drug traffickers and narco-terrorists in the world.鈥�
鈥淭he government will argue that running a big narco-trafficking operation … should not count as an official act,鈥� Bradley said.
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Tucker reported from Washington.
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